Who is Paying for the Student Revolutionary Movement

By:  Gary Allen
07/29/2010
       

Kent University RiotsThis week (week of July 26, 2010) Glenn Beck is featuring on his TV Show the radical manifesto from June 1969, "You Don't Need A Weatherman To Know Which Way The Wind Blows." Here is an article from American Opinion, The John Birch Society's magazine from 1959 to 1985, "Who is Paying for the Student Revolutionary Movement" by Gary Allen, published in the November 1970 issue. This article is must reading for those following Beck's revelations about the Weathermen this week. It shows just how much financial support for the student radicals in the 1960s and 70s came from the American establishment, and how the revolutionary strategy then as now was "pressure from above, pressure from below."

The student revolutionary movement has now escalated to a level of warfare that America can no longer afford to ignore. Following the accidental explosion which atomized three would-be saboteurs and leveled a townhouse in Greenwich Village being used as an underground bomb factory, and after the deliberate dynamiting of the Math Research Center at the University of Wisconsin, even the Establishment "slicks" could no longer look the other way. Time may be a Weekly Reader for adults committed to being ill-informed, but it at last reported the truth: "In a 15-month period ending last April, there were 4,330 bombings across the U.S. They killed at least 40 persons and injured 384."

What has happened is that the New Left has been divided into two elements: (1) the "respectable" groups which continue to recruit on campus, working for university "reform" and demonstrating (both violently and non-violently) for the Vietcong; and (2) the guerrillas who have gone underground to carry out sabotage, warfare against the police, bank robberies, and kidnappings. As you know, we have for several years predicted precisely these developments.

One of the best sources of information on the sort of people who join such New Left operations — and on the part played in them by the Communist Party — is twenty-two-year-old Jerry Kirk. Five years ago, while a student at the University of Chicago, Kirk began joining radical organizations to provide information for the Federal Bureau of Investigation. During his career as an undercover operative, Jerry Kirk joined and became nationally active in S.D.S., the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs, and the Communist Party, U.S.A. After years of undercover activity he was recently surfaced and brought to Washington to testify as an expert witness before the Subversive Activities Control Board, the House Internal Security Committee, and the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee.

Young Kirk revealed that shortly after he was recruited as a student into the Communist Party he was sent to a training camp in upstate New York known as Camp Unity. There, in the company of one hundred other young Organizers for the Communist Party, Jerry Kirk was put through an intensive training program under the direction of Communist professors Bettina Aptheker, Danny Rubin, Gil Green, Carl Winter, and Franklin Alexander.1 Kirk was directed to keep his Communist Party membership secret from other members of the S.D.S. and the DuBois Clubs. As he explains:

My superiors in the Communist Party assigned me to work in the S.D.S. and the DuBois Clubs. My task was to help bring others to what they called a Marxist-Leninist position. They wanted me to help assure that those organizations continued to do what Moscow and the North Vietnamese wanted them to do. I was told, in no uncertain terms, that if I had to lie and tell duped students that I wasn't a member of the Party, and that I hated the Party and thought it "middle class" and no longer revolutionary, I was to do that. Anything to get the job done.

The fact is that many of the young revolutionaries now active are leery of the Communist Party. They profess Marxism, but know very well that the Party represents just the sort of giant bureaucracy which they believe themselves to be fighting. The textbook which Jerry Kirk studied while undergoing training as a student Organizer for the Communist Party laid it out straight:

The conquest of power by the working class basically changes the position of its leader, the Marxist-Leninist Party. Before the revolution that Party is the leader of a class fighting for power. After the revolution that Party is the Party of the ruling class.

Kirk explains that "the revolutionary kids have been fed the crusty old bait that after the revolution there will be a classless society with no rulers. But my Moscow-printed textbook says that the Communist Party will be the new ruling class." Jerry Kirk continues, quoting the Party textbook:

Experience has shown that after the revolution the role of the Marxist Party as leader of the people not only does not decrease, but on the contrary becomes immeasurably greater. It now becomes responsible for everything that goes on in society, for the policy of the state and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

"You see why the C.P. does not want its young revolutionaries to be aware of the extent of Communist Party direction of the movement," Kirk adds. "Yet, cadre Communists thoroughly dominate and manipulate the New Left from inside. The members of S.D.S. are going to be mere cannon fodder; they are to be sacrificed in the streets in order to provide the excuse for the establishment of dictatorship in this country."

Many of the big names in the New Left — people like Rennie Davis, Bernardine Dohrn, and Tom Hayden — are supposed to be independent radicals. Yet undercover Communist Jerry Kirk reports that they maintain very close contact with the Communist Party. The widespread notion that the radical groups have no coordinated leadership, Jerry explains, is simply not the truth: "Leadership is provided for the New Left by the Communist Party; moral and financial support is provided by the Establishment's tax-free foundations, wealthy Establishment radicals, and by agencies of the U.S. Government." The Establishment gets just what it pays for. Kirk comments on the myth of spontaneity:

Having been trained by the Communists to organize demonstrations, I can testify that not one in a hundred is spontaneous. They may be spontaneous for those participants who know nothing of all the planning behind the scene, but the organizers who have done the hard planning know what they are doing and get what they want.

The Communists attempt to recruit into the Party only the crème de la crème. Before a young radical is asked to join, he must first be cleared by a Party chieftain. Prospective members are cultivated for a long time before being brought into the Party. Jerry Kirk was personally recruited by top Communist youth leaders Ted Pearson and Mike Zagarell.

Kirk notes of its recruiting system that the Party "is looking for dedicated people who will accept discipline and obey orders." Many young radicals are too freaked out to accept the required discipline, and while the Party regards them as "useful," they are not offered membership. "If the real revolution does come," Kirk continues, "they will be the first to go." Regularly challenged by campus revolutionaries, he says he no longer cares whether such young radicals believe him. Their arrogance, he observes, "has made them stupid, and if they continue to escalate their contrived revolution a good percentage of them may be dead by 1973. That's what this business is all about. These kids are the cannon fodder. They are being programmed to justify by violence a major crackdown on American liberties by the Insiders running the Establishment."

We quizzed Jerry Kirk about the attitude of the Communist Party toward the continuing bombings. "At the training camp," he replied, "we were told that the bombings were coming, but that the time for open Party involvement was not ripe. They did not put down bombings at all, they actually encouraged this development. But they don't want to waste their sophisticated Party cadre in street fights with the police — that's what their radical cannon fodder is for — so we were told to stay away from the violent stuff until given the word. Yet, from my personal knowledge, I know the Communist Party has powerful contacts within the Weatherman Faction of S.D.S. and may actually control it at the working level."

What are the young people like who are drawn into this revolutionary whirlpool? Jerry Kirk told us of his personal experience:

Some people I knew in S.D.S wanted me to go on a couple of demonstrations — one of which was against Hubert Humphrey, of all people. I was both curious and suspicious. Here were young people from wealthy families who were talking about a revolution of have-nots. I didn't see any have-nots!

One of the fellows who asked me into the group was John Kaplin, whose father wrote the score for The Spy Who Came In From The Cold for Columbia Pictures. John is a well-to-do young man whose parents live very comfortably in New York. Most of the S.D.S kids were coming from just such well-to-do families. Bernardine Dohrn's father is the head of a big trucking firm, and she's a top gun in the Weatherman Faction of S.D.S Howard Machtinger, another member of the Weatherman Faction, also comes from a well-to-do family, as does Weatherman Jeff Blum. Jeff's father used to own a large interest in the Baltimore Orioles. They are almost all like that — coming from homes where they have had every advantage imaginable.

Richard Flacks, one of Jerry Kirk's professors at the University of Chicago, was a founder of S.D.S. Professor Flacks ran a series of surveys to find out what type of young person was being drawn into the radical movement. The results confirmed Jerry's observations. Professor Flacks' studies showed that far from attracting the sons and daughters of the proletariat, the New Left attracts just the opposite. Jerry Kirk comments:

That was the thing that astounded me. I had my own suspicious for a long time. At first I thought they were revolting against their parents. Then I found that they had parents who were, by and large, very "Liberal, " and that it was a natural move from the "Liberalism" of such parents to radicalism. They were in a hurry.

Although these kids came from wealthy families, most of them had been for one reason or another a bit of the outcast in high school. Socially out of it, they fancied themselves "intellectually" into it — the perfect dupes for the pseudo-intellectualism of the Marxist con men. They all felt very guilty about the wealth of their families.

And every one of them I got to know at all well told me about some instance in which a high school teacher, or some respected friend of their parents, or a college professor, had helped "open their eyes" to the fact that because they were both intellectually superior and wealthy they had a special responsibility to share the wealth and all that. It was a lot of garbage, but they are very intent on it.

The New Left takes guilt-ridden neurotic kids and makes psychotics out of them. Some have become so frustrated that the country is not yet engulfed in bloody revolution, or that the government has not yet surrendered to their demands, that they have turned to nihilism and violence. Many of these have been recruited into the Weatherman Faction of S.D.S. After all, two or three years of radical effort seem like an eternity to an eighteen-year-old. When the classless society did not arrive, many were persuaded that it only proved they could not work within "the system." Some of these opted for drugs and others turned to bombs.

The attrition rate among the Weathermen and their independent imitators is very high, due to drugs, illness, venereal disease, and the efficiency of the police. But, as the Establishment media continue to glamorize revolution, new recruits continue to drift into the underground. As long as the Insiders of the Establishment continue the perpetual no-win war in Indochina, the New Left is going to be able to pour new recruits into the top of the revolutionary funnel — even if it is dead bodies which pour out the bottom. As Jerry Kirk explains:

Young people have no conception of the Conspiracy's strategy of "pressure from above and pressure from below," so well outlined in Communist Jan Kozak's And Not A Shot Is Fired. They have no idea that they are playing into the hands of the Establishment they claim to hate. They have no idea that the United States is financing and equipping both sides of the Vietnam War. The radicals think they are fighting the forces of the super-rich, like Rockefeller and Ford, and don't realize that it is precisely such forces which are behind their own revolution, financing it, and using it for their own purposes.

Jerry says that for all the time he was a member of the Communist Party inside the Revolutionary Youth Movement he never ran into a single activist who knew anything about the Establishment Insiders' Council on Foreign Relations. "Nobody in the C.P. ever mentioned it either," he notes, "and I did not learn about it until I was out. Imagine an elitist 1,400-member organization, the big names in finance, government, and academe, with over a hundred of its members holding top appointments in the Administration — virtually running American political affairs. All kinds of things that had confused me before started making sense. Until I began to catch on to the game I thought that if all the big people I had seen doing the work of the Communists were conscious of what they were doing, it was a matter of their being Soviet agents. That's all I could figure. I knew there were enormously important and wealthy people in the movement. I knew there were 'respectable' men who were involved. But so far as I could see they had to be something like K.G.B. agents, or to have been blackmailed, or were on the make for power. I had little idea that the Conspiracy is rooted here, in the collectivist super-rich and their agents at the top, and that Moscow is only a branch office."

Jerry says he finds that most young people respond very rapidly when they are shown that the Establishment Insiders at the top are using the revolutionaries at the bottom in a pincer movement against the American middle class. But some are so psychotically committed to their revolution that they are immune to even the obvious. After an address by Mr. Kirk in Lafayette, Indiana, the Lafayette Journal & Courier questioned a number of student revolutionaries who were in attendance at his speech. The reporter quotes one as follows:

We are so alienated by your society that even if what [Kirk] said about being dupes and about dying in the streets is true, we don't care. Because there is nothing worth living for in America today . . . . We wouldn't say there was much of an exchange of views in there. He did all the preaching and we did all the listening.

We don't quarrel with his facts too much . . . . But we think he's wrong in his analysis. The trouble with those people [a large audience of prominent Conservatives] is they don't know who to hate.

Clearly, such schoolboy Lenins have been thoroughly taken in by the Insiders of the Establishment. Many who have come to hear Jerry Kirk's well-reasoned analysis have admitted as much. But they have crossed the line into illegality, violence, and drugs. For many of them it is already too late.

But Who Pays The Bills?
The myriad activities of the Student Revolutionary Movement require a great deal of money. Demonstrations, conventions, training, literature, travel, mail, telephone, office space — all require funds. Big money. The coordination involved in putting tens of thousands of students into Washington, or Chicago, or New York, or San Francisco, does not come cheaply. From where does the money come?

Following a recent incendiary speech on the campus of the University of Cincinnati, William Kunstler, the Fagin barrister for the infamous "Chicago 7," was asked during a press interview where the funds came from to defray trial expenses, bond, and the legal appeals of his clients recently convicted of crossing state lines for the purpose of inciting a riot at the Democrat National Convention in Chicago. Kunstler replied that in this case much of the money was raised "through speaking engagements."

Almost every major college and university in the country has imported revolutionary speakers to preach destruction, revolution, and mayhem — often aimed at the host institution. According to Representative Richard Ichord, Chairman of the House Internal Security Committee, the fat fees paid the militants are in most instances "from funds from tax-supported universities, or from fees assessed students in public institutions." Usually such campus performances are billed as a "lecture" rather than a debate. "Thus," Congressman Ichord observes, "opposite viewpoints are not presented in context. As a consequence, the academic community gains nothing in knowledge of the revolutionary movement, while the revolutionary movement gains tremendously in respectability and propaganda."

A survey recently conducted by the House Internal Security Committee revealed that during the past year the nation's schools had scheduled a virtual army of "lecturers" from such organizations as the Communist Party, U.S.A.; Students for a Democratic Society; the Black Panther Party; the Youth International Party (Yippies); and, the Student [Violent] Coordinating Committee. It takes almost two pages of the fine print in the Congressional Record just to record the hate lectures delivered before college audiences by the Communist Black Panthers — at fees ranging up to $2,000 per speech.2 Often the speaker will divide the loot with the radical group on campus which made the arrangements for the address. Bringing in radicals to speak thus becomes a fund-raising maneuver for both the speaker and the sponsoring revolutionary group.

At some colleges the radicals have been successful in gaining control of student government through campus elections. This gives them access to the fat piggy bank of the student body. One such case is that of San Francisco State College, where radicals took advantage of campus apathy and elected their complete slate of candidates. Once in control of the $400,000-a-year student fund, derived from required fees and bookstore profits, the revolutionaries ousted the business manager and his staff, slashed allocations for such traditional activities as athletics, service clubs, and extracurricular groups, and embarked on a wild orgy of spending for revolutionary purposes. Until California Attorney General Thomas Lynch impounded the remaining funds, the radicals approved pay and allowances for each other, purchased guns, commissioned "Hate Whitey" movies for showings in black neighborhoods, and hired Panthers to lecture on the glories of revolution.

The San Francisco State militants also discovered other Establishment funds available to them, including grants from government agencies to enable them to conduct so-called Community Action programs in slum areas. The militants at San Francisco State put themselves and their fellow revolutionaries into nearly five hundred work-study jobs paying students up to $3.50 per hour. These jobholders, operating in pairs, organized protest marches and school boycotts, picketed defense plants, fomented rent strikes, and promoted "lie-ins" to halt troop trains. Berkeley radicals have been involved in similar "work-study" fiascos financed by the War on Poverty.

There is no reason to believe that this type of activity is limited to the Bay Area. But the Nixon Administration has done almost nothing to investigate the financing of the New Left by the government and the schools. The Illinois Crime Commission did look into the matter, and found extensive connections between revolutionaries in government and those in the streets. The Illinois investigators discovered, for example, that a student group known as the Student Health Organization (S.H.O.), which describes itself in its newsletters as "a refuge for left-of-center health student activists," received more than one million dollars in federal funds during 1968-1969, plus an additional $85,000 from the tax-free Carnegie Foundation. The federal money emanated from the Department of Health, Education and Welfare during the Johnson Administration, but was continued under President Nixon.

The Student Health Organization's newsletter for December 1969, was dedicated to the memory of Ho chi Minh. Its cover displayed a picture of "Che" Guevara. It favorably quoted Mao Tse-tung and Eldridge Cleaver, featured obscene cartoons attacking the military and the war in Vietnam, and presented an article detailing the glories of "Cuba's Revolutionary Medicine." The following is an official policy statement of the S.H.O. Keep in mind as you read it that this organization is subsidized by the American taxpayer to the tune of one million dollars:

We feel that it is absolutely crucial to support third world liberation struggles in the mother country. To not do so would be an open form of racism. This means clear and real support of the NLF (National Liberation Front) and the People's Revolutionary Government of Viet Nam.

It means not only relating to the anti-war movement, but also relating to the strategy of creating "one, two, three, many Viet Nams."

We should try to understand, relate to, and work with other revolutionary groups. This would mean that we should start working closer with the largest of these organizations, the Students for a Democratic Society. (Quoted from the Chicago Tribune, December 17, 1969.)

The Student Health Organization is headquartered in Chicago, but when Chicago Tribune reporter Ronald Kozicl asked Bryan Lovelace, assistant director of the Illinois Regional Medical program for H.E.W., about "surveys" the student revolutionaries were supposed to conduct with their million-dollar grant, Lovelace pleaded ignorance, claiming he knew nothing about any such surveys. It seems they were "informal" and "unstructured."

Using this diaphanous cover, four Student Health radicals helped organize the demonstrations against the Democrat National Convention in 1968, while being paid by the federal government to conduct the phony "surveys." One of the four, Marsha Steinberg, was indicted by a Grand Jury on charges of aggravated battery stemming from New Left attacks on police. Miss Steinberg is a member of the violent Weatherman Faction of S.D.S. According to the Chicago Tribune she was "active in recruiting S.H.O. members into the S.D.S."

Another Student Health organizer was James Pinney, a leader of "R.Y.M. II," the Revolutionary Youth Movement faction of the S.D.S. The Chicago Tribune reports that Pinney "was repeatedly seen during convention week at one of the S.D.S. prime movement centers at the Church of the Three Crosses, 1900 Sedgwick St." The federally subsidized Mr. Pinney has recently written a position paper for "R.Y.M. II" which declares:

We must prepare ourselves and the masses for an armed struggle. People in our organization should be prepared to defend themselves and to use all the weapons necessary for revolutionary struggle.

The Student Health Organization's Mark Simon was a negotiator for the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, chief architect of the convention-week disruptions. Barbara Britts, the fourth S.H.O. member who helped organize riots on government money, served as the liaison between the Student Health Organization and the Medical Committee on Human Rights, which furnished medical aid to convention-week rioters.

Out of these riots developed the notorious "Chicago 7" conspiracy trial. One of the seven, Rennie Davis, was invited after his conviction to lecture a group of H.E.W. employees in Room G-751 of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare's North Building in Washington, D.C. As he was sentenced, H.E.W.'s guest speaker had proclaimed, "We're going to turn the sons and daughters of the ruling classes in this country into Vietcong."

The National Student Association is another cornucopia of funds for revolutionary activities. N.S.A. is a sort of national student council for colleges. Where it gets its money is somewhat of a mystery, though the C.I.A. is said to have stopped pumping funds into it through phony foundations. While the Ford Foundation and the U.S, Office of Education are known to have continued to make fat contributions, N.S.A.’s budget is down this year from $600,000 to $96,000. That does not include $75,000 from the ubiquitous Ford Foundation to run its Center for Educational Reform, but it is still a considerable drop in revenue.

We have been unable to find any public explanation for the tremendous cut in funding. The New York Times concedes that N.S.A. has moved sharply "in the direction of the student radical movement," but it has been in the vanguard of the student radical movement for many years.

In a telegram to its last convention, President Nixon expressed his heartiest approval of the N.S.A. and wished it good luck in carrying out its program — which includes the promotion of every Marxist canard from unilaterally disarming America to surrendering to the Vietcong.

While Vice President Spiro Agnew has made political capital with Middle America by hypocritically brandishing a rubber sword at the teenage Trotskys and schoolboy Lenins, the Nixon Administration has continued to fund revolutionary recruits. Approximately one in every five students is now receiving aid from the U.S. Office of Education; 800,000 get federal grants, and an additional 750,000 have federally guaranteed bank loans. Of the 549 student radicals arrested in the insurrection at San Francisco State College in 1968, 122 were receiving financial assistance from the federal government.

In 1968, Congress enacted a law designed specifically to deprive students involved in revolutionary violence of their federal scholarships. The law required the Department of Health, Education and Welfare to set up guidelines for university administrators to follow in reporting violators. However, President Nixon's close friend Robert Finch, a cunning Leftist who has since been elevated from Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare to the position of Presidential Advisor, refused to enforce the law and never issued the Congressionally required guidelines. Defying Congress, Finch warbled that he did not want the power to punish students.

Robert Finch often sided with the radicals and blamed the riots on the schools, which he said were not sufficiently responsive to "legitimate" demands. On April 9, 1968, Mr. Finch told a group of newsmen that he thought the problem of student unrest "had turned the corner" and that campus violence would soon abate. It would have, too, if the Department of Health, Education and Welfare had stopped supporting the revolutionaries with our tax money.

Now, as Vice President Spiro Agnew stumps the country for Richard Nixon, garnering votes for the G.O.P., the President's new Secretary of H.E.W., Elliot Richardson, continues to dole out dollars to the very renegades who are the targets of Mr. Agnew's vituperation.3 Hypocrisy, thy name is politics.

Ford Has A Redder Idea
Joining the federal government in promoting the revolution from above is the omnipresent Ford Foundation. It has almost become a truism that wherever you find funds being funneled to rag-tag radical revolutionaries (Take that, Spiro!), you will also find the fetid, frenetic, febrile, and fervid Ford Foundation (And that!).4

At U.C.L.A. (until recently the home of the well-known philosophy scholar, Angela Davis) the Ford Foundation financed a group known as Humanistic and Educational Needs of the Academic Community (H.E.N.A.C.) with a $75,000 grant. That outfit was initiated during the spring of 1969 by members of C.A.S.E., the Community for Awareness and Social Education. C.A.S.E. had been formed at U.C.L.A. following the assassination of Martin Luther King, the well-known celibate, and was at first dedicated to the eradication of racism. As Williamson Good, the West Coast expert on internal subversion, put it: C.A.S.E. has since "moved onward and upward to more ambitious projects — such as the elimination of the capitalistic system."

C.A.S.E. set up H.E.N.A.C. to begin in the fall of 1969 as a full twelve-hour course to be conducted at U.C.L.A. on a pass or fail basis, without grades. Grades are considered bourgeois relics of the competitive system and are thus verboten in the Alice-in-Wonderland world of radical educators. Besides, not competing for grades allows students more time for constructive outside activities — like helping to bring about the universal Wonderland the academic child molesters have planned for us.

The 250 students enrolled in the Ford-financed H.E.N.A.C. program underwent open revolutionary training — including studying the writings of Franz Fanon, Regis Debray, "Che" Guevara, Fidel Castro, Ho chi Minh, Vo Nguyen Giap, Kwame Nkrumah, W.E.B. DuBois, Malcolm X, Lenin, Marx, Stalin, Trotsky, and Herbert Marcuse. Among the materials distributed by H.E.N.A.C, was Jerry Rubin's "What The Revolution Is All About, or, We Are All Vietcong And We Are Everywhere."

The "professor" of this course in how to commit revolution was Blase Bonpane, a former missionary who was expelled from Guatemala for plotting armed insurrection. Comrade Bonpane has visited Communist Cuba, has called for napalming the Pentagon, and is fond of declaring at rallies around Los Angeles: "Stop the war or we will stop the United States!" Joining the missionary Bonpane in the project was Rob Baker, a former activist with C.O.R.E. and S.D.S., who called the Ford-financed H.E.N.A.C. project "the largest student experimental program in the country."

In addition to its scholarly activities, H.E.N.A.C. provided office space, an electro-stencil mimeo, and paper — all paid for by the Ford Foundation — to be used by radical campus organizations in the preparation of revolutionary tracts and flyers. One of the H.E.N.A.C. students revealed that the program had "unlimited supplies" at its disposal. According to sworn testimony given before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee by Sergeant Robert Thomas of Los Angeles Police Intelligence, the H.E.N.A.C. facilities were offered to such Marxist-Leninist Fronts as the "Friends of the Black Panther Party and the Movement for a Democratic Military (MDM)." Part of the Ford grant was spent to bring twenty-eight of the wildest radical speakers imaginable to address the scholars at U.C.L.A.

The day after the conviction of the "Chicago 7" a riot broke out at U.C.L.A. in which a branch of the Bank of America was attacked, whole streets were captured, business was stopped, and thirty-five student radicals were arrested. According to Williamson Good, the planning, personnel, and money for the organization of the riots were provided by H.E.N.A.C., courtesy of the Ford Foundation.

In his testimony last year before the House Subcommittee on Appropriations, J. Edgar Hoover commented that "a very prominent foundation in New York" has contributed substantial sums to organizations and individuals "identified as either present or past members or sympathizers of the Communist Party, U.S.A., or New Left movement." Though it is far from alone in such efforts,5 there can be no doubt that F.B.I. Director Hoover was referring to the Ford Foundation.

While Jerry Kirk was in the Communist Party for the F.B.I. he loaned his half-fare airline card to a "fellow" radical named Harold Rogers, so that Rogers could travel inexpensively to a major Black Power Conference in Newark. When Comrade Rogers returned he apologized to Kirk for losing the half-fare card, and said that he had paid full fare for his return ticket. Kirk asked Rogers how he could afford it since he had barely had enough money for the trip at half-fare. "Well," Rogers replied, "there were some interesting people at the Conference — from the Ford Foundation. When they learned I was coordinating the affair they gave me lots of money."

"But, Harold," Kirk queried, "we're revolutionaries. Those people aren't on our side."

Rogers grinned. "You'd be surprised," he said.

From the Newark Black Power Conference revolutionaries like Stokely Carmichael, Ron Karenga, Rap Brown, and many others fanned out across the country inciting rebellion. Kirk, who was certainly in a position to know, is convinced that the money came from the Ford Foundation.

The Colleges Cooperate
While the foundations and the government have been using the colleges as conduits through which to funnel money to the revolutionaries, the colleges have themselves been very cooperative with the young radicals committed to their destruction. The Student Mobilizer is a radical tabloid published by the Vietnik Student Mobilization Committee headquartered in Washington, D.C. In its issue of May 9, 1970, it carried these instructions for campus revolutionaries:

The student antiwar movement has reached a new peak. On campuses across the country it has won an immense majority to its views, not only in words, but in action, in the most massive student strikes in American history.

The task before us now is to expand out from our campus base, to use the campuses to reach out into the rest of the community and build the same kind of massive actions by the whole population. We can do this, not by abandoning the universities, but by utilizing them: using the facilities, the resources, the prestige of the university.

We have a right to demand all the facilities of the university because we and our faculty allies are the university. In comparison to the traditional resources of the antiwar movement, the university facilities now available seem almost limitless. These include everything from office space and telephones to printing facilities, the campus newspapers and radio stations, and the talents of all sectors of the university. There is no reason to overlook any department or building if it can be of use to the movement in any way.

The Student Mobilizer brags of how student radicals use the schools in an article titled "How To Do It":

In Chicago the Art Institute became the design center for the citywide strike. At Wayne State the school paper became the strike paper. At Antioch the school radio became the strike broadcasting center for the region. At campuses everywhere the university phones opened up a vastly expanded national communications network.

In transforming the university into an organizing center for the antiwar movement, it is inevitable that the traditional role of the university also be transformed . . . . This is a valuable educational tool for the movement and a proper way for the university to discharge its function.

At Wayne State, the university facilities have been used to print hundreds of thousands of leaflets for distribution to the population as a whole, including special leafletings at factories. Teachers unions have been won over to supporting the student strikers in places such as the University of Florida and Washington, D.C. In Massachusetts, the student strikers are mobilizing to place a statewide antiwar referendum on the ballot to let the people vote on the war and make it clear that the majority of the population is totally against it.

The Student Mobilizer emphasizes that making courses taught by, and for, radicals a part of the curriculum is another way in which colleges and universities are being used to finance the revolution. The cries of the students for a voice in setting the curriculum so that "relevant" courses will be offered usually means that the radicals are demanding revolutionary courses for credit. You may be certain they are not demanding that the school offer an in-depth study of the Peloponnesian Wars. What they want are courses in Marxism, community organizing, Black Studies, radical polemics, and similar "academic" subjects. As former undercover Communist Jerry Kirk relates:

When I was at the University of Chicago I took courses for credit in Marxist Ideology from Richard Flacks, a founder of S.D.S. All the local radicals were enrolled, and all we did for three months was study Marx from a totally positive point of view. I also took a graduate seminar in "Modern Revolution" in which members of S.D.S. and P.L.P. [the Mao-Mao Communists' Progressive Labor Party] sat around and rapped6 about the coming revolution, its strategy and tactics. We studied books on guerrilla warfare and how to create disturbances and stage demonstrations and follow-up on them to recruit more activists.

One wonders how soon students will be able to receive degrees in such "relevant" studies as Revolutionary Organizing.

While a member of the Communist Party, Jerry Kirk was not only trained for credit in Communist techniques at the University of Chicago, but got a look at a number of other ways in which the Establishment supports revolutionaries. He was, for example, used as an agent to obtain nearly a million dollars from the War on Poverty for the Blackstone Rangers youth gang. This, too, was through his connections at the University of Chicago.

Kirk was approached by the gang and told that its leaders had information that the president and vice president of the University would be helpful in interceding with the government on behalf of the Rangers. Since it was early in his career as an undercover operative, Kirk was flabbergasted at the idea that such men would permit themselves to be used to finance young revolutionary criminals. The Rangers, however, assured Jerry that the two men would work for them. The gang was in dire financial straits since an Urban Renewal program had forced many small businessmen out of the South Side of Chicago. The Rangers had financed their revolutionary activities by extorting money from South Side businessmen, and their take had been greatly reduced.

Charles U. Daley, vice president of the University of Chicago, did indeed agree to help the Rangers in obtaining their federal poverty grant. Daley had been John F. Kennedy's congressional liaison man and was to be Bobby Kennedy's campaign manager in the Midwest. He told F.B.I. Comrade Kirk and the Rangers, "I realize that you fellows have enemies who don't want you to get the poverty program money. I know you fellows are very interested in 'changing society.' I can help you. What you have to do is make absolutely sure that everyone thinks that if you don't get the money something terrible will happen."

So over the next few weeks the Rangers went on a murdering spree. Daley was pleased. He fulfilled his part by calling upon the radical Marshall Field, a trustee of the University (others are Nelson and David Rockefeller and Charles Percy) who owns two newspapers in Chicago.7 Field's papers then claimed that the Rangers would burn down the University of Chicago if they weren't given the War on Poverty grant. "The Rangers," says Kirk, "weren't about to attack the University. They were conspiring with the school's vice president to get government money."

The War on Poverty responded quickly, showering $927,000 on the Rangers, and made Daley the coordinator of the program. The grant later produced a major scandal when Congressional investigators found that the bulk of the federal funds were spent on drugs and armaments. Jerry Kirk told us:

If Daley, an Establishment revolutionary, had not lied, cheated and stolen for the Blackstone Rangers, the gang would have disintegrated. It was broke and the leaders were losing their hold on the 8,000 members. It had no money for pay-offs or to buy weapons. Daley got them the money to keep going. The Rangers are not only criminal, they are revolutionary, and some forces higher up want them to stay together as a revolutionary force.

Here was the vice president of the University of Chicago setting up a million-dollar federal grant, through a member of the Communist Party, to finance a revolutionary street gang! Such maneuvers, alas, are far too typical.

Affluent Donors
Another major source of financial support for the Marxist-Leninists of the New Left is voluntary contributions. As J. Edgar Hoover recently testified:

Although the majority of gifts are in the $10 to $50 range, wealthy benefactors who have acquired their fortunes in the United States have contributed substantial amounts in support of the New Left movement and in support of the activities of the SDS in particular. Included among these, for example, are a Cleveland industrialist who has long been a Soviet apologist; the wife of an attorney in Chicago who is a millionaire; an heiress in the New England area who is married to an individual prominent in the academic community who has been active in New Left activities; and, a wealthy New York lecturer and writer who for years has been linked to more than a score of Communist front organizations and has contributed liberally to many of them . . . .

Communist Party-U.S.A. leaders have recently urged party members to give time and money to "New Left demonstrations and causes."

The Illinois Crime Commission reported that the S.D.S. Weatherman Faction built up a $112,000 bail bond fund before the riots it incited in Chicago during October 1969. Charles Siragusa, executive director of the Commission, described the October disorders as "a riot, an insurrection, carefully planned and executed by revolutionary youths who are among the most anarchistic in our nation's history." A total of 284 were arrested during the four days of revolt. A dozen young revolutionaries were later indicted by a federal Grand Jury for conspiracy to cross state lines to incite a riot.

The Commission discovered that among the contributors to the Weatherman group was the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington; the Trotskyite Communists' Young Socialist Alliance; the Michigan S.D.S.; Resist, a group promoting draft-dodging; the Congress of Racial Equality; the Marxist Liberation News Service; and, the ever unfaithful American Civil Liberties Union.

The Commission Report notes that affluent Weathermen themselves contributed to the fund:

Two S.D.S officers from the national headquarters [then located at 1608 Madison Street] were themselves heavy contributors. Howard [Jeff] Melish gave a total of $4,529, and Mark Rudd, S.D.S. national secretary, was responsible for $7, 000 in contributions.

Of course parents are also a source of monies for the revolutionary movement, since they are usually the ones footing their children's bills.8 Just think, for a mere $2,000 to $3,000 per year you can send your children to college to learn to hate their God, their country, and you. Now there is a real bargain. Many parents are well aware of the radical activities of their offspring, but are afraid that if they stop paying off their darlings will become "alienated." Many youngsters lost in the mire of the New Left communes still receive regular checks from mummy and daddy.

Diana Oughton, one of those killed in the explosion of that Greenwich Village bomb factory, was financing her Weatherman group out of dividend checks from a family farm corporation. Running Miss Oughton's Weatherman group was William Ayers, son of Thomas Ayers, president of Chicago's Commonwealth Edison Company. The house which was destroyed in the explosion was the family home of Weatherman Cathlyn Wilkerson, whose father is a wealthy advertising executive.

The United Dollar Front
F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover has noted that Marxist-Leninist "demonstrations are frequently financed by fundraising and collections. For example, more than $25,000 was collected from participants and spectators by the organizing committee during the march on the Pentagon in 1967. The organizing committee raised $10,000 from the sale of buttons alone during an anti-Vietnam war demonstration early in 1967 in New York City."

There have also been a number of reliable reports of money being filtered to the New Left from Communist sources outside the country. A former U.S. Attorney General recently reported that eighty-five percent of all money being spent on subversion by Communist Russia is earmarked for college-age youth. Ed Montgomery, the Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter for the San Francisco Examiner, told a meeting of advertising executives in Monterey that "thousands of dollars are coming into the United States from Peking via Havana and via the Cuban mission to the United Nations." He cited dates, named names, and offered proof. Though his warning was generally ignored, our nation's intelligence services are not uninformed about this business. According to Robert Betts of the Copley News Service:

Witnesses have told investigating committees about cash brought into the country by Communist couriers traveling by way of Cuba or Mexico. A simpler method for Communist agents working inside this country is to draw on accounts in U.S. banks which have been transferred from banks in other countries. Moscow maintains large accounts in Swiss banks and Peking pays money into banks in Hong Kong.

The amount of money coming into the country from Communist governments abroad is considerable. And it is prima facie evidence that the revolution in our streets and on our campuses is part of a World Revolution.

There are, of course, more innovative ways of raising funds for the revolutionaries than tapping the Comrades, the foundations, the parents, the federal government, and the tills of Communist powers abroad. Among them is providing hip entertainment for young people. Robert Betts reports that among the New Left's "big money raisers are admission fees to private pornographic plays and movies which have lately been making the rounds of more and more campuses . . . ."

The latest fund-raising gimmick is the enormously popular acid-rock festivals. There will be many more of these in the coming months, with the proceeds going to revolutionaries. For instance, bi-sexual drug-user Mick Jagger, the leader of the Rolling Stones rock group, announced before his recent European tour that he was donating the proceeds to the Communist Black Panthers. A gynecologist from the University of Kentucky recently sponsored a rock festival to raise money for Black Panther leader Huey Newton. The good doctor, however, was jailed for contributing to the delinquency of a minor, and on two other unpleasant charges.

Pressure From Above And Below
There is also evidence that giant corporations controlled by the Establishment Insiders may be bankrolling the revolutionary youth movement. One indication comes from James Kunen in The Strawberry Statement: Notes Of A College Revolutionary. There we learn of a pre-election revolutionary conference:

Also at the convention, men from Business International Roundtables — the meetings sponsored by Business International for their client groups and heads of government — tried to buy up a few radicals. These men are the world's leading industrialists and they convene to decide how our lives are going to go. These are the guys who wrote the Alliance for Progress. They're the left wing of the ruling class.

They agreed with us on black control and student control . . . .

They want McCarthy in. They see fascism as the threat, see it coming from Wallace. The only way McCarthy could win is if the crazies and young radicals act up and make Gene look more reasonable. They offered to finance our demonstrations in Chicago.

We were also offered Esso (Rockefeller) money. They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so they can look more in the center as they move to the left. (Page 116.)

That, you see, is pressure from above and pressure from below in action.

This fall the New Left intends to mobilize tens of thousands of affluent young activists to work for Vietnik candidates. Many colleges and universities are cooperating by releasing students for political campaigning during October, and some are even providing academic credit for stuffing envelopes and leaning on doorbells in support of candidates cheering the glories of the Vietcong. The pitch to the public will be that the students are giving "the system" one last chance and that there will be dire consequences if the Silent Majority disappoints them by failing to goosestep off a cliff. The old blackmail game once again! And, why not? It worked on the campus.

Whether the radical precinct workers will shave and clean up in sufficient numbers to be an asset to their candidates is problematical. Their very presence among the real people could promote a considerable backlash. The Left wins either way — either it gets more committed Socialists into Congress or the New Left grows more militant by claiming that it is impossible to work within "the system." The choice is pressure from above or pressure from below.

While the hirsute hooligans are leafleting the precincts, their nihilist brothers will continue their terror campaign directed at college research centers doing work for the government, R.O.T.C. facilities, and anything which can be linked to the "military-industrial complex." But eventually the terror must spread from these attacks on property to attacks on people. And Communist theorist Mikhail Bakunin tells us (and the Weatherman types) that in order to have real terror you must attack good people as well as bad. Attacking only the bad is a reformist act which implies that "the system" is all right if only its invidious elements are eliminated. As Bakunin, a colleague of Marx and Engels and the revolutionary founder of Nihilism in Russia, put it:

If you kill an unjust judge, you may be understood to mean merely that you think judges ought to be just; but if you go out of your way to kill a just judge, it is clear that you object to judges altogether. If a son kills a bad father, the act, though meritorious in its humble way, does not take us much further. But if he kills a good father, it cuts at the root of all that pestilent system of family affection and loving-kindness and gratitude on which the present system is largely based.

It is hard to forget that Communist Jerry Rubin, himself the beneficiary of his own federally granted tax-free foundation, has recently toured America's college campuses exhorting his nihilistic followers to get with it and commit the ultimate revolutionary act — the assassination of one's own parents.

Where does it all lead? As Marxist organizer Saul Alinsky stated in Esquire for August 1970: "The action is in the reaction." Jerry Kirk, just out of the New Left and the Communist Party where he served the F.B.I., speaks forcefully of this reaction:

I will tell you in no uncertain terms that I think it very possibly could lead to a declaration of martial law all over the United States. I realize this is hard for a lot of people to accept, but that is exactly where it is going. I know this for a fact and can quote the directives to you from a textbook used in the Communist training camps. The Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopted a policy in which it said that the Communists would try to use violence and non-violence as a pincers movement. The idea is to create a situation where the people are so frightened of the violence all around them that they will promote Statist repression. Martial law, for example.

If you have a situation in which more and more students get involved — bystanders are killed, as in the situation at Kent State — you will soon have more and more good people getting more and more worried. Eventually they will throw their hands up in the air and demand, "Federal government — do something!" And the only choice open will be martial law.

The Communists, black militants, and revolutionaries will never succeed in overthrowing the government of the United States. But, unless they are stopped, they will scare the American people into accepting socialism from Washington and Statist rule by the Insiders of the Establishment. This is what it is really all about!

Yes, the action is in the reaction, and that is what it is all about. The strategy is called "pressure from above and pressure from below," and it has worked well for the Insiders and the Communists they finance for their own purposes. It will continue to work if a sufficient number of Americans don't awaken to the fact that they are threatened by a pincers movement — from above as well as below — and that the programmed bomb throwers have been put into the streets to justify repression aimed at the liberties of all Americans by the Insiders at the top.

Photo of Kent State University Riot: AP Images

 

1 Alexander, who has brothers and sisters in the Black Panther Party, was in the same cell in Los Angeles as Angela Davis, now on the F.B.I.'s list of ten most wanted fugitives as a result of her participation in the kidnap-murder of Judge Harold J. Haley in San Rafael, California.

2 The author hereby notifies all institutions of higher learning that for a $2,000 honorarium he is available to provide stimulating "lectures" on political affairs. Demand on campuses for my services in the past has been exceeded by supply by nearly one hundred percent, and maximum honorarium for a campus appearance to date has been $35 less expenses. There seems to be a moral here somewhere, but it eludes me.

3 Ironically, while the Nixon Administration has refused to cut off federal aid to the rioters, it has ended federal aid to school districts objecting to outrageous desegregation guidelines. During his campaign, Mr. Nixon promised a crackdown on campus rebels and opposed bussing for the purpose of controlling the racial mixture of the nation's classrooms. As the "Liberal" Republican Senator Hugh Scott has noted, "The conservatives get the rhetoric, we get the action." President Nixon uses Mr. Agnew's speeches to keep the Silent Majority, which put him in office, from reaching the same conclusion as Senator Scott.

4 And note that Dum Spiro Spero never, but never, breathes an unkind word about the Ford, Carnegie, or Rockefeller Foundations. They are nearly as sacrosanct as the Council on Foreign Relations and the Baltimore Colts.

5 The Rockefeller Foundation is also up to its earlobes in financing the revolution. Saturday Review for December 14, 1968, carried an article entitled "In Praise Of Young Revolutionaries" by John D. Rockefeller III, chairman of the Rockefeller Foundation. Doubtless composing in his penthouse over a martini concocted by his butler, Mr. Rockefeller declared:

"There is a tenacity [among the young] that was lacking in the past. Young people do not seem to be merely getting something out of their systems. Perhaps it is too early to tell, but I do not believe they will slip easily into the comforts of suburbia and the career, leaving behind their idealism and impulse for change.

"I want to confess frankly that when I started my inquiry I was biased. My instincts told me that very much of what young people are doing and saying today basically makes sense and is good. I found this to be even more true than I had thought.

“. . . We must understand that social protest has an honorable history and has a rightful place in any enlightened society. We must remember that it was social protest that brought this nation into being.

"Instead of worrying about how to suppress the youth revolution, we of the older generation should be worrying about how to sustain it . . . .

"A unique opportunity is before us to bring together our age and experience and money and organization with the energy and idealism and social consciousness of the young. Working together, almost anything is possible . . . . "

Yes, by working with the Fords and the Rockefellers, the radical youth of the country will find that almost anything is possible. And, if they persist, what they are most likely to get is a Communist dictatorship ruled by the Establishment Insiders.

6 This is a mod corruption of the word rapport, meaning harmonious discussion.

7 See my article on "The Media" in American Opinion for September, 1970.

8 Facing the fact that your child has become an animal is a terrible thing to have to do. But continuing to finance his New Left activities is the same as giving liquor to an alcoholic. Children should always be welcomed back into the family, but only when they are determined to embrace civilization. As Robert Welch has wisely said, “Straighten them out, or pull them out!”

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